Lee Maruyama Masao and Otsuka Hisao are the names that come up when we think of studies of Japanese statism. What do you think of them?
Takahashi I don't think we can avoid criticism of Maruyama's nationalism or rather, his "national subjectivism." [24]
As for his overall views on the defeat, we find a discourse on war
responsibility, but no discourse on responsibility for colonial
domination. It's not just Maruyama. We need to thoroughly examine the historical consciousness of postwar "progressive intellectuals." Those who belong to the "Maruyama School" have reacted too defensively to such criticism.
These matters should be discussed as limitations on the part of Maruyama. That said, Maruyama's discourse on democracy should be acknowledged as holding universal potential. Take Nambara Shigeru, for instance, a very big presence among postwar intellectuals. [25] Nambara called for the abdication of the emperor, but he always stayed within the framework of the emperor system. Compared with Nambara, Maruyama, despite the limitations of his time, offers many more aspects that are fresh even today. This is commonsensical, but we need to distinguish between the things we should inherit and those we should criticize. Isn't that what Mr. Nakano Toshio is saying? [26]
Lee He says that people have attacked him for putting Maruyama down unfairly, but he says that in fact he is valorizing him as well.
Takahashi If there were nothing to valorize, there would be no use in pointing out his limitations.
As for criticism of colonialism, this is a deep-seated problem for Japanese intellectuals. As one who grew up in the former metropole, I myself may have unconsciously inherited the same limitations to a degree. For this, there is nothing to do but be humble before the criticism of others. This is a truly deep-seated issue, comparable to the Palestinian problem for European and American Jewish intellectuals.
The writings of Ms. Kim Chong-mi have pierced me to the quick. Such works as An introduction to the history of popular Korean and Chinese anti-Japanese struggle in Northeastern China, or Studies of the history of the Levelers' Movement, and A world history of home[27] are not only important for their content, but for their sharp criticism of Japanese intellectuals. You
can say this about this society as a whole, but intellectuals,
beginning with historians, have not tried to learn much about
colonialism, and they've ended up producing a gigantic black box. Indeed, more than a few have lent their energies to legitimizing or writing apologias for colonialism.
There are such observations as the following in Ms. Kim Chong-mi's writings: If
Japan were to pay compensation and reparations to the people in the
regions where Japanese imperialism established colonies, it would
likely become one of the most impoverished countries in the world. If the US were to pay compensation and reparations to the Vietnamese people for
the damage US imperialism had inflicted, then it would likely become
one of the poorest countries in the world.
Though we have to acknowledge that acts were committed
that can't be compensated for materially or monetarily, what she says
is right, and it is totally false to suggest that after defeat, Japan was reborn from ground zero. There was an earlier, fundamental accumulation, an accumulation built upon the injuries inflicted on the peoples of Asia subjected to invasion and domination. True,
there was some loss as a consequence of total war, but that's where
Japan's "postwar" began, and thanks to the "special procurements"
generated by the Korean War and the Vietnam War, the economy took off. We can't let ourselves forget this.